Putin will begin another 6-year term, ushering in a new era of extraordinary power in Russia – vopbuzz
The quarter century is just a few months away leader of russia, Vladimir Putin On Tuesday he will put his hand on a copy of the constitution and begin another six-year term as president extraordinary power.
Since becoming acting president on the last day of 1999, Putin has transformed Russia into a monolith; It crushed political opposition, expelled independent-minded journalists from the country, and encouraged a growing commitment to “traditional values” among many in society. margins.
His influence is so overwhelming that other officials could only obediently stand by as he launched a war in Ukraine, despite expectations that an invasion would lead to international disgrace and harsh economic sanctions, and cost Russia dearly in the blood of its soldiers.
What Putin will do with this level of power in his next term is a daunting question both at home and abroad.
The war in Ukraine, where Russia is making incremental but consistent gains on the battlefield, is of greatest concern, and Russia shows no signs of turning the tide.
“The war in Ukraine is central to his current political project, and I don’t see any signs of that changing. And it affects everything else,” said Brian Taylor, a Syracuse University professor and author of “The Law of Putinism.” ” he said in an interview with the Associated Press.
“It affects who is in what position, it affects what resources are available and it affects the economy, it affects the level of pressure internally,” he said.
In his address to the nation in February, Putin vowed to realize Moscow’s goals in Ukraine and do whatever it takes to “defend our sovereignty and the security of our citizens.” He claimed that the Russian military had “gained tremendous combat experience” and had “firmly retained the initiative and conducted offensives in a number of sectors”.
This would be a huge expense and could drain money available for sweeping domestic projects and reforms in education, welfare and poverty alleviation, which Putin detailed for much of his two-hour speech.
Taylor suggested that such projects were included in the address as much for demonstration purposes as to indicate genuine intent to put them into action.
“Putin thinks of himself in terms of the grand history of the Russian land, by putting Ukraine back where it belongs, those kinds of ideas. And I think they overshadow any program of a more socioeconomic kind,” Taylor said.
If the war ends in less than complete defeat for both sides and Russia retains some of the territory it has already captured, European countries fear Putin could be encouraged to engage in more military adventurism in the Baltics or Poland.
“It is possible that Putin has grand ambitions and is trying to follow up a costly success in Ukraine with a new attack elsewhere,” Harvard professor of international relations Stephen Walt wrote in Foreign Policy magazine. “But it is entirely possible that his ambitions do not extend beyond what Russia has won at such a huge cost, and that he has neither the need nor the desire to gamble for more.”
But Walt added: “Once the war in Ukraine is finally over, Russia will be in no position to launch new wars of aggression.”
Others say such rational concern may not be valid. “Moscow, guided by Putin’s whims and fancies, is likely to make self-defeating mistakes,” said Maksim Samorukov of the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center.
Samorukov suggested in a comment in Foreign Affairs magazine that Putin’s age might influence his decision.
“At 71 years old… his awareness of his own mortality certainly influences his decision-making. A growing sense of his limited time undoubtedly contributed to his inevitable decision to invade Ukraine.”
In general, Putin may be entering his new term with a weaker grip on power than he seems.
Russia“Weaknesses are clearly visible. The Kremlin is now making decisions in a more personalized and arbitrary manner than ever before, lacking even basic controls,” Samorukov wrote.
“The Russian political elite has become more flexible in implementing Putin’s orders and more obedient to his paranoid worldview,” he wrote. The regime “runs the risk of collapsing overnight, as its Soviet predecessor did three decades ago.”
Putin is confident that he will continue his hostility towards the West, stating in his address to the nation that “they want to do the same to Russia as they have done in many parts of the world, including Ukraine.” to weaken it from within.”
Putin’s resistance to the West demonstrates not only his anger at its support for Ukraine, but also what he sees as the weakening of Russia’s moral fabric.
Russia last year banned the so-called LGBTQ+ “movement,” declaring it extremist in what authorities said was a struggle for traditional values espoused by the Russian Orthodox Church in the face of Western influence. Courts have also banned gender transition.
“I expect the role of the Russian Orthodox Church to continue to be highly visible,” Taylor said. He also noted that there was an explosion of outrage on social media following a party hosted by TV presenter Anastasia Ivleeva, to which guests were invited “almost naked”.
“Other actors in the system understand that Putin likes these things. … There were people interested in exploiting these things,” he said.
Although opposition and independent media have all but vanished under Putin’s repressive measures, the potential still exists for Russia to make further moves to control the information space, including advancing efforts to establish an “independent internet.”
The opening marks the beginning of World War II of the Soviet Red Army. It took place two days before Victory Day, Russia’s most important secular holiday, which commemorates the capture of Berlin in World War II and the immense hardships of the war in which the USSR lost nearly 20 million people.
The defeat of Nazi Germany is integral to the identity of modern Russia and Putin’s justification of the war in Ukraine as a similar struggle.
Since becoming acting president on the last day of 1999, Putin has transformed Russia into a monolith; It crushed political opposition, expelled independent-minded journalists from the country, and encouraged a growing commitment to “traditional values” among many in society. margins.
His influence is so overwhelming that other officials could only obediently stand by as he launched a war in Ukraine, despite expectations that an invasion would lead to international disgrace and harsh economic sanctions, and cost Russia dearly in the blood of its soldiers.
What Putin will do with this level of power in his next term is a daunting question both at home and abroad.
The war in Ukraine, where Russia is making incremental but consistent gains on the battlefield, is of greatest concern, and Russia shows no signs of turning the tide.
“The war in Ukraine is central to his current political project, and I don’t see any signs of that changing. And it affects everything else,” said Brian Taylor, a Syracuse University professor and author of “The Law of Putinism.” ” he said in an interview with the Associated Press.
“It affects who is in what position, it affects what resources are available and it affects the economy, it affects the level of pressure internally,” he said.
In his address to the nation in February, Putin vowed to realize Moscow’s goals in Ukraine and do whatever it takes to “defend our sovereignty and the security of our citizens.” He claimed that the Russian military had “gained tremendous combat experience” and had “firmly retained the initiative and conducted offensives in a number of sectors”.
This would be a huge expense and could drain money available for sweeping domestic projects and reforms in education, welfare and poverty alleviation, which Putin detailed for much of his two-hour speech.
Taylor suggested that such projects were included in the address as much for demonstration purposes as to indicate genuine intent to put them into action.
“Putin thinks of himself in terms of the grand history of the Russian land, by putting Ukraine back where it belongs, those kinds of ideas. And I think they overshadow any program of a more socioeconomic kind,” Taylor said.
If the war ends in less than complete defeat for both sides and Russia retains some of the territory it has already captured, European countries fear Putin could be encouraged to engage in more military adventurism in the Baltics or Poland.
“It is possible that Putin has grand ambitions and is trying to follow up a costly success in Ukraine with a new attack elsewhere,” Harvard professor of international relations Stephen Walt wrote in Foreign Policy magazine. “But it is entirely possible that his ambitions do not extend beyond what Russia has won at such a huge cost, and that he has neither the need nor the desire to gamble for more.”
But Walt added: “Once the war in Ukraine is finally over, Russia will be in no position to launch new wars of aggression.”
Others say such rational concern may not be valid. “Moscow, guided by Putin’s whims and fancies, is likely to make self-defeating mistakes,” said Maksim Samorukov of the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center.
Samorukov suggested in a comment in Foreign Affairs magazine that Putin’s age might influence his decision.
“At 71 years old… his awareness of his own mortality certainly influences his decision-making. A growing sense of his limited time undoubtedly contributed to his inevitable decision to invade Ukraine.”
In general, Putin may be entering his new term with a weaker grip on power than he seems.
Russia“Weaknesses are clearly visible. The Kremlin is now making decisions in a more personalized and arbitrary manner than ever before, lacking even basic controls,” Samorukov wrote.
“The Russian political elite has become more flexible in implementing Putin’s orders and more obedient to his paranoid worldview,” he wrote. The regime “runs the risk of collapsing overnight, as its Soviet predecessor did three decades ago.”
Putin is confident that he will continue his hostility towards the West, stating in his address to the nation that “they want to do the same to Russia as they have done in many parts of the world, including Ukraine.” to weaken it from within.”
Putin’s resistance to the West demonstrates not only his anger at its support for Ukraine, but also what he sees as the weakening of Russia’s moral fabric.
Russia last year banned the so-called LGBTQ+ “movement,” declaring it extremist in what authorities said was a struggle for traditional values espoused by the Russian Orthodox Church in the face of Western influence. Courts have also banned gender transition.
“I expect the role of the Russian Orthodox Church to continue to be highly visible,” Taylor said. He also noted that there was an explosion of outrage on social media following a party hosted by TV presenter Anastasia Ivleeva, to which guests were invited “almost naked”.
“Other actors in the system understand that Putin likes these things. … There were people interested in exploiting these things,” he said.
Although opposition and independent media have all but vanished under Putin’s repressive measures, the potential still exists for Russia to make further moves to control the information space, including advancing efforts to establish an “independent internet.”
The opening marks the beginning of World War II of the Soviet Red Army. It took place two days before Victory Day, Russia’s most important secular holiday, which commemorates the capture of Berlin in World War II and the immense hardships of the war in which the USSR lost nearly 20 million people.
The defeat of Nazi Germany is integral to the identity of modern Russia and Putin’s justification of the war in Ukraine as a similar struggle.
